This is where I really started to think I might be onto something here...
* * The trial of John Hinckley Jr. was presided over by Judge Barrington D. Parker. * * Parker was George Bush's first appointment as a Federal judge & gained notoriety as the "CIA's judge". * * When Orlando Leterlier was assassinated in broad daylight on the streets of WA, Parker was the judge & refused to allow any evidence of George Bush's CIA involvement at the time.
Parker came through again in 1977 (see below) when CIA director Richard Helms plead no contest to lying to the Senate Foreign relations committee. Parker gave Helms a suspended sentence. Shortly before the decision Helms' lawyer, EB Williams, pleads for a leniency.
* * Edward Bennett (EB) Williams - John Hinckley's attorney * *
soooo... John Hinckley Jr. had the same attorney defending him who had earlier defended Richard Helms, Director of the CIA at the time (only a few years earlier). Same judge & attorney to be exact. both rumored CIA assets.
I know the Hinckley family had money, but what's the probability of the Director of the CIA & a "crazy, lone gunman" who tried to assassinate the President of the US sharing a lawyer? seems a bit odd no?
& How did Parker become Hinckley's trial Judge? "in another sharp diversion from courthouse procedure" Parker was secretly selected from a stack of 14 Federal judges.
Former Central Intelligence Agency director Richard M. Helms was fined $2,000 and given a suspended sentence of two years in jail yesterday by a federal judge who said Helms considered himself above the law when he failed to tell a congressional committee about CIA operations in Chile.
"You now stand before this court in disgrace and shame," District Judge Barrington D. Parker told Helms at one point during a severe tongue-lashing he delivered to the former CIA chief before freeing him.
Helms' attorney, Edward Bennett Williams, had just asked the judge for leniency, saying that the ex-CIA chief would bear "the scar of a conviction for the rest of his days."
The assassination of Orlando Letelier refers to the September 21, 1976 car bombing, in Washington, D.C., of Orlando Letelier, a leading opponent of Chilean dictator Gen. Augusto Pinochet. Letelier, who was living in exile in the United States, was killed along with Ronni Karpen Moffitt, who was in the car along with her husband Michael, who worked for Letelier. The assassination was perpetrated by agents of the Chilean secret police (the DINA), and was one among many carried out as part of Operation Condor. Declassified U.S. intelligence documents confirm that Pinochet directly ordered the killing.
According to Dinges, documents released in 1999 and 2000 establish that "the CIA had inside intelligence about the assassination alliance at least two months before Letelier was killed, but failed to act to stop the plans." The intelligence was about Condor's plans to kill prominent exiles outside of Latin America, but did not specify Letelier was the target. It also knew about an Uruguayan attempt to kill U.S. Congressman Edward Koch, which then-CIA director George H.W. Bush warned him about only after Orlando Letelier's murder.
Kenneth Maxwell points out that U.S. policymakers were aware not only of Operation Condor in general, but in particular "that a Chilean assassination team had been planning to enter the United States." A month before the Letelier assassination, Kissinger ordered "that the Latin American rulers involved be informed that the 'assassination of subversives, politicians and prominent figures both within the national borders of certain Southern Cone countries and abroad ... would create a most serious moral and political problem." Maxwell wrote in his review of Peter Kornbluh's book, "This demarche was apparently not delivered: the U.S. embassy in Santiago demurred on the ground that to deliver such a strong rebuke would upset the dictator", and that, on September 20, 1976, the day before Letelier and Moffitt were killed, the State Department instructed the ambassadors to take no further action with regard to the Condor scheme. [Maxwell, 2004, 18].
On April 10, 2010, the Associated Press reported that a document discovered by the National Security Archive indicated that the State Department communique that was supposed to have gone out to the Chilean government warning against the assassinations had been blocked by then Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.
As a Newsweek correspondent in 1988, when Bush was running for president, I prepared a detailed story about Bush’s handling of the Letelier assassination. The draft story included the first account from U.S. intelligence sources that Contreras was a CIA asset in the mid-1970s. I also learned that the CIA had consulted Contreras about the Letelier assassination, information that the CIA then would not confirm.
The sources told me that the CIA sent its Santiago station chief, Wiley Gilstrap, to talk with Contreras after the bombing. Gilstrap then cabled back to CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia, Contreras’s self-serving assurances that the Chilean government was not involved.
Contreras told Gilstrap that the most likely killers were communists who wanted to make a martyr out of Letelier, a deception that Bush’s CIA and right-wing media allies used to muddy the investigative waters in fall 1976.
In 1988, my story draft also described how Bush’s CIA had been forewarned in 1976 about DINA’s secret plans to send agents, including DINA’s assassin Michael Townley, into the United States on false passports.
Upon learning of this strange mission at the time, the U.S. ambassador to Paraguay, George Landau, cabled Bush about Chile’s claim that Townley and another agent were traveling to CIA headquarters for a meeting with Bush’s deputy, Vernon Walters. Landau also forwarded copies of the false passports to the CIA.
Walters cabled back that he was unaware of any scheduled appointment with these Chilean agents. Landau immediately canceled the visas, but Townley simply altered his plans and continued on his way to the United States.
The CIA has never explained what action it took, if any, after receiving Landau’s warning. A natural follow-up would have been to contact DINA and ask what was afoot or whether a message about the trip had been misdirected.
“It is quite beyond belief that the CIA is so lax in its counterespionage functions that it would simply have ignored a clandestine operation by a foreign intelligence service in Washington, D.C., or elsewhere in the United States,” wrote John Dinges and Saul Landau in their 1980 book, Assassination on Embassy Row. “It is equally implausible that Bush, Walters, Landau and other officials were unaware of the chain of international assassinations that had been attributed to DINA.”
The death of a former Chilean Minister Orlando Letelier, and American citizen Ronnie Moffitt is called the most infamous act of international terrorism in the United States before September 11th. Questions are still asked about who is responsible for the assassinations and who got off the hook. Saul Landau author, filmmaker, and Vice Chair of the Institute for Policy Studies, had first proposed that Letelier come to Washington D.C. Today he says justice hasn't been done.
In all the recent history of assassinations and assassination attempts in America, none seemed more clearly the work of one man with one gun and no rational motive than last week's shooting. like the others before it, churned up the usual wake of anomalies, discrepancies and coincidences that attend chaotic events in the real world - and so provided the usual grist for yet another generation of conspiracy theorists to chew over for years to come. the black comic and conspiratorial Dick Gregory scooped the pack this time, assuring a LA talk show host that the CIA & the FBI did it - and experienced students of the literature of assassinations could almost see a hundred similar theories blooming out of what seemd so fallow a patch of ground.
Among the possibilites:
* * * * The Hinckley Didn't Do It or at Least Not Alone Theory
The very videotapes that make such a seeming open-and-shut case against John W. Hinckley Jr. never actually show his face until after his capture. As it happened, he was standing back in a cluster of newsmen, behind the cameras, until he started shooting. but a dedicated conspiracy buff might argue that he was (1) an innocent fall guy (2) only one gun among two or more. Argument (2) offers the more tempting fodder for the conspiratorialist. One of two anomalous flashes of light on the tape, a suspended moment in which members of Reagan's security force look the wrong way for the source of the shots and the scrambled first reports from an embarassed Secret Service misstating the make & caliber of the pistol involved - a perfect invitation to a two gun scenario.
* * * * The Maybe Hinckley Did It but The Government Helped Theory.
The first questions a conspiratorialist might ask is how an ex-Nazi, once arrested on gun charges in Nashville on a day Jimmy Carter was in town, could escape being punch-carded into the Secret Service's computerized list of potential assassins. There were real security tapes at the scene as well - the case with which Hinckley slipped into the press pack, for example, and the clay-pigeon distance Reagan had to walk to his car when it could have been parked closer to the hotel exit. The evidence in each instance points to carelessness, but there are no mistakes in conspiracy theories - only calculated acts.
* * * * The Chercher Le Veep Theory with Mystery Woman and Trilateral Commission
For the furthest-out plot-spinners, it will not pass notice that (1) George Bush addressed the Trilateral Commission the Sunday night before the shooting. that (2) Hinckley's brother, Scott, had a dinner date with Bush's son Neil that Monday and that (3) there were several phone calls from an unidentified woman to Hinckley's hotel room that day (the FBI said she was trying to call someone else). Any significance in these occurences can be left to the imagination, and probably will be.
I don't care if you're a CTard or skeptic, this must look a little strange...
why have Reagan exit, turn (breaking formation) & walk around a blind corner (with an exposed balcony) when you could have pulled the limo directly in front of the door & had him walk out under an awning? inside job?
Speaking of Mockingbird, the Associated Press reported the shooting went down like this & its what ran nationally:
that's^ where Reagan SHOULD have come out IMO, but vid tells another story right?
* * does it sound like someone at the very beginning says to the camerman(?) "it doesn't make much sense henry, they put you here then he runs around with a (inaudible) turn"(?)
That's right. He broke rank. And then, whoever in the Secret Service -- the Secret Service helped to set-up Reagan too. Reagan was told not to wear his vest that day -- his protective vest. I'll bet he wore it after that. They did not call the procedure with the limousine. He should have come out the door and gone directly into the limousine. That's how he arrived.
He came, the Secret Service formed two rows on either side of the back door, they opened the back door and he goes in. When you hire a limousine, they don't go to the house down the street, they come to your door. When you're the president, they'll move it six inches to make sure that it's in the right place. It was in the right place when he arrived. He got out and went in through the phalanx of the two rows of agents. He's safe into the VIP entrance.
He comes out the same exit and where's the car?' It is nowhere near the door. It's 40-50 feet down the pavement. So, he's got to walk out into the open. What's supposed to happen? The Secret Service is supposed to surround him like a diamond and protect him. One guy goes forward, McCarthy, to open the door for him. The rest don't surround him. They all file out like a line of ducks off to the right and they leave Reagan walking in the open with Brady and these other guys. Then, the shooting happens.
One was when Bush helped to get Haig appointed as Secretary of State. The entire Cabinet staff underneath him was already pre-appointed and he wasn't allowed to pick or choose any of them, or fire any of them. So it was like he was a figure head put up at the head of this agency that he wasn't really allowed to run. Then just a few days before the shooting of Reagan, there was a switch where Bush replaced Haig as the head of an emergency preparedness committee or unit that they had at the White House. The press was asking Bush right after he was appointed in place of Haig -- this was just three days before the shooting -- `What constitutes an emergency for the purpose of this special office?' And Bush said, "The president will know it when he sees it." I think he meant that he -- Reagan -- would know it when he saw it lying on the ground dying.
Nathaniel Blumberg (not sure if real name) was so disturbed by the lack of coverage re: the Hinckley/Bush connections, he wrote a fictionalized novel (to protect himself) called The Afternoon of March 30th.
THE AFTERNOON OF MARCH 30, is the story of a Montana newspaperman who is at first puzzled, then curious, then finally outraged by what the national news media never told the American people about the attempt of John W. Hinckley Jr. to assassinate the president of the United States.
It is a real-life mystery story, a detective story, a newspaper story, a spy story and more than one love story. It is a polemic that explores the strange "coincidences," curious "happenstances," major discrepancies, critical omissions and possible covert disinformation activities in the wake of a bullet that came within an inch of changing the course of history. It is a story of a journalist's fierce devotion to the American ideals of freedom and justice. It is a different kind of roman a clef.
Even more dangerous for the future of our country than a conspiracy to assassinate a president is a conspiracy to manipulate and control what the American people are told by the national news media. This book — among much else — examines the official cover-up of vital information that left scores of unanswered questions surrounding the event of the afternoon of March 30, 1 981 .
From the book, page 6:
When it happened it was beyond the grotesque. For seconds Jonathan Blakely was stunned. John Chancellor, eyebrows raised, informed the viewers of NBC Nightly News that the brother of the man who tried to kill the president was acquainted with the son of the man who would have become president if the attack had been successful. As a matter of fact, Chancellor said in a bewildered tone, Scott Hinckley and Neil Bush had been scheduled to have dinner together at the home of the vice president's son the very next night. And, of course, the engagement had been canceled. . .
Then a peculiar thing happened: The story vanished. To this day, it has never been reported in the New York Times, Washington Post or many other metropolitan newspapers, never again mentioned by any of the television news networks, and never noted in news magazines except for a brief mention in Newsweek, which lumped it with two ludicrous conspiracy scenarios as if the Bush-Hinckley connection didn't deserve some sort of explanation.
speaking of coverage, the Governor of Texas (Bill Clements) criticized the Media for digging stating it "could ruin the state of Texas". nevermind he was also aboard the plane with the "crisis management team" when Reagan was shot & Hinckley was mentioned.
Clements Criticizes Shooting Coverage By FRANK COOK United Press International March 31, 1981, Tuesday, AM cycle
FORT WORTH, Texas - Gov. Bill Clements Tuesday criticized reporters for concentrating on Texas links to various assassination attempts, including the attempt on President Reagan, saying if newspeople continued to link the state to would-be killers the state's reputation would be seriously damaged.
Clements talked with reporters briefly after addressing the Southwest Cattle Raisers Association Convention.
Although the governor lives in Highland Park and is involved in the oil business, he said he did not know the family of accused assassin John W. Hinckley Jr., 25, previously of Highland Park, whose father is president of Vanderbilt Energy Corp. of Denver. Clements said he felt ''horrible'' when he heard Hinckley was from Texas, the same state in which Lee Harvey Oswald assassinated President John Kennedy in 1963 and where Mark Chapman, killer of former Beatle John Lennon, was born.
''This hasn't got anything to do with Texas, but if the news media works on it long enough it could hurt the state,'' Clements said.
''People in public office always run a risk of this sort of thing. There will always be unstable people, and this young man (Hinckley) was unstable.''
Clements said he had not increased his personal security since the assassination attempt Monday in Washington and said he and others in public life accepted the possibility of having attempts made on their lives as a part of public service.
''Anyone in public life, be it the mayor of Fort Worth, city councilmen or the governor, has to expect there is a certain risk there,'' he said. ''It's just part of it.''
Despite the assassination attempt in which a ''Saturday night special'' was used, Clements said he still opposed strict handgun controls.
''Guns have to be registered in Texas now,'' he said. ''I'm not sure it would help. People will be able to get guns.''
Clements was with Vice President George Bush on Bush's aircraft in Austin a short time after the assassination attempt on Reagan, but would not characterize Bush's mood at the time. He also said he received a call from the White House Monday night but did not say who he received the call from or what was discussed.
Clements did say, however, the caller said Reagan was ''doing fine.''
The governor did not comment on the assassination attempt during his address to the cattlemen, more than 2,500 of whom are attending the convention. Bush addressed the convention Monday morning just minutes before Reagan was shot. Air Force Two carrying Bush went to Austin where the vice president met with Clements before returning to Washington.
Motivation? to form a "secret government within the government... with it's own army, air force, illegal funding".
one that Reagan wouldn't dare oppose.
who would be in better position to direct the "secret government within the government" made up of defense contractors & current/former CIA officers? a former actor & gov of CA? or the former head of the CIA & rumored asset his entire life?
(Theodore Shackley worked directly under Bush in the CIA)
The Iran--Contra affair, also referred to as Irangate, Contragate or the Iran--Contra scandal, was a political scandal in the United States that came to light in November 1986. During the Reagan administration, senior administration officials secretly facilitated the sale of arms to Iran, the subject of an arms embargo. Some U.S. officials also hoped that the arms sales would secure the release of several hostages and allow U.S. intelligence agencies to fund the Nicaraguan Contras. Under the Boland Amendment, further funding of the Contras by the government had been prohibited by Congress.
The scandal began as an operation to free the seven American hostages being held in Lebanon by a group with Iranian ties connected to the Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution. It was planned that Israel would ship weapons to Iran, and then the United States would resupply Israel and receive the Israeli payment. The Iranian recipients promised to do everything in their power to achieve the release of the U.S. hostages. The plan deteriorated into an arms-for-hostages scheme, in which members of the executive branch sold weapons to Iran in exchange for the release of the American hostages. Large modifications to the plan were devised by Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North of the National Security Council in late 1985, in which a portion of the proceeds from the weapon sales was diverted to fund anti-Sandinista and anti-communist rebels, or Contras, in Nicaragua.
While President Ronald Reagan was a supporter of the Contra cause, the evidence is disputed as to whether he authorized the diversion of the money raised by the Iranian arms sales to the Contras. Handwritten notes taken by Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger on December 7, 1985, indicate that Reagan was aware of potential hostage transfers with Iran, as well as the sale of Hawk and TOW missiles to "moderate elements" within that country. Weinberger wrote that Reagan said "he could answer to charges of illegality but couldn't answer to the charge that 'big strong President Reagan passed up a chance to free the hostages'". After the weapon sales were revealed in November 1986, Reagan appeared on national television and stated that the weapons transfers had indeed occurred, but that the United States did not trade arms for hostages. The investigation was impeded when large volumes of documents relating to the scandal were destroyed or withheld from investigators by Reagan administration officials. On March 4, 1987, Reagan returned to the airwaves in a nationally televised address, taking full responsibility for any actions that he was unaware of, and admitting that "what began as a strategic opening to Iran deteriorated, in its implementation, into trading arms for hostages".
Several investigations ensued, including those by the U.S. Congress and the three-person, Reagan-appointed Tower Commission. Neither found any evidence that President Reagan himself knew of the extent of the multiple programs. Ultimately the sale of weapons to Iran was not deemed a criminal offense but charges were brought against five individuals for their support of the Contras. Those charges, however, were later dropped because the administration refused to declassify certain documents. The indicted conspirators faced various lesser charges instead. In the end, fourteen administration officials were indicted, including then-Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger. Eleven convictions resulted, some of which were vacated on appeal. The rest of those indicted or convicted were all pardoned in the final days of the presidency of George H. W. Bush, who had been vice-president at the time of the affair.
"As angry as I may be about activities undertaken without my knowledge, I am still accountable for those activities. As disappointed as I may be with some who serve me, I am still the one who must answer to the American People for this behavior"
In one of his last Presidential moves, after losing to Clinton, Bush pardoned everyone involved (on Xmas morning)
WASHINGTON — President Bush granted Christmas Eve pardons to former Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger and five other former government officials Thursday, wiping out all pending criminal prosecutions in the Iran-Contra case.
In an angry statement, the Iran-Contra independent counsel, Lawrence E. Walsh, accused Bush of "misconduct" and declared that the pardon was part of the cover-up that "has continued for more than six years."
And in a potentially explosive revelation, he said it was recently discovered that Bush himself kept personal notes on aspects of the arms-for-hostages affair. He said prosecutors have been denied access to some of them "despite repeated requests" and added ominously that this "will lead to appropriate action."
The Tower Commission was commissioned on 1 December 1986 by U.S. President Ronald Reagan in response to the Iran Contra scandal. Reagan appointed Republican and former Senator John Tower of Texas, former Secretary of State Edmund Muskie, and former National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft.
The Commission's report, published on 26 February 1987, concluded that CIA Director William Casey, who supported the Iran-Contra arrangement, should have taken over the operation and made the President aware of the risks and notified Congress as legally required. The Commission's work was continued by the Congressional Committees Investigating The Iran-Contra Affair, which were formed in January 1987 and published a report in November 1987; and by Independent Counsel Lawrence Walsh, appointed 1 December 1986 and publishing a final report in 1993.
John Heniz & John Tower both died in plane crashes on consecutive days after investigating Iran-Contra, the CIA & Bush.
John Heinz chaired a three-man presidential review board that probed the Iran-Contra affair and had in his possession all the damning documents from that sordid affair, while John Tower led the infamous Tower Commission that investigated a variety of different CIA criminal activities and dirty dealings. Coincidentally, both John Heinz and John Tower died in plane wrecks on successive days in 1991 – Tower in Georgia, and Heinz in Montgomery County, Pa.
also, when George Bush Sr. and CIA Director William Casey engineered the October Surprise to bribe Iranian officials into retaining U.S. hostages until after the 1980 elections, two of the passengers on Bush’s BAC 111 flight to Paris were Senator John Heinz, along with Senator John Tower from Texas.
John Tower is also seen here, during the Church Committee hearings & investigation of abuse of power by the CIA, NSA & FBI.
last word on Iran-Contra, not really related to the thread, but think it's important (CIA wanted/needed their man in the Oval Office).
you wonder sometimes how all this stays buried?
"The CIA may have been playing for time. With CIA headquarters renamed the George Bush Center for Intelligence and with veterans of the Reagan-Bush years still dominating the CIA’s hierarchy, the spy agency might have expected that the election of Bush’s son, Texas Gov. George W. Bush, would free it from more demands to open up its records.
Immediately after taking office on Jan. 20, 2001, President George W. Bush signed an executive order sparing presidential records from his father’s administration and Ronald Reagan’s from being cleared for public release."
Executive Order 13233 limited access to the records of former United States Presidents to a higher degree than the previous Order 12667, which it superseded. It was drafted by then White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales and issued by George W. Bush on November 1, 2001. Section 13 of Order 13233 revoked Executive Order 12667 which was issued by Ronald Reagan on January 18, 1989.
Executive Order 13233 was partially struck down in October 2007. The order was revoked on January 21, 2009 by Barack Obama's Executive Order 13489, which essentially restored most of the wording of Order 12667 with some modifications.
Thus, the presidential papers of Ronald Reagan were due to be made public when George W. Bush took office in January 2001. However, in a White House memo dated March 23, 2001, the Counsel to the President conveyed the following to U.S Archivist John W. Carlin:
Section 2(b) of Executive Order 12667, issued by former President Ronald Reagan on January 16, 1989, requires the Archivist of the United States to delay release of Presidential records at the instruction of the current President. On behalf of the President, I instruct you to extend for 90 days (until June 21, 2001) the time in which President Bush may claim a constitutionally based privilege over the Presidential records that former President Reagan, acting under Section 2204(a) of Title 4, has protected from disclosure for the 12 years since the end of his Presidency. This directive applies as well to the Vice Presidential records of former Vice President George H.W. Bush.
This instruction was repeated on June 6, 2001, before the 90 days had elapsed, giving a new deadline of August 31, 2001. On the day of this deadline, Alberto Gonzales instructed the Archivist to wait a few additional weeks. On November 1, 2001, Bush issued Executive Order 13233, limiting the access to the records of former U.S. Presidents.